The push to transfer Early Childhood Development Education (ECDE) from county governments to the national government has triggered a much bigger political and moral confrontation than its technical framing suggests.
On one side is the argument for fairness, uniform standards, and better treatment of ECDE teachers. On the other is a quiet but powerful resistance from governors who understand exactly what is at stake: control, influence, and political survival at the grassroots.
Isaiah Cheruiyot, the Nandi Senate aspirant popularly known as Gwiji, has petitioned the Senate to amend the Constitution so that ECDE is removed from the Fourth Schedule and placed under national government control.
His argument is simple but explosive—counties have failed ECDE teachers through unequal pay, delayed salaries, poor infrastructure, and inconsistent standards.
But the real question is not just whether ECDE should move. It is why the fight over it is so intense.
ECDE is not just education—it is political power at the base
Governors are not merely managing schools; they are managing influence. ECDE is the most visible and emotionally charged arm of county government. Every classroom built, every teacher hired, every learning centre opened is direct political currency at village level.
Take ECDE away from counties, and you don’t just shift education—you strip governors of:
Direct control over thousands of grassroots jobs
A visible symbol of development in every ward
A recruitment system that builds local loyalty networks
A budget stream that fuels political presence
In short, ECDE is not just a service. It is political oxygen. Employment control is the real battleground
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At the centre of this struggle is ECDE teacher employment. Counties hire them, pay them, discipline them, and promote them. That means governors are not distant administrators—they are direct employers.
This creates a powerful political structure:
Teachers become local ambassadors of county leadership
Employment decisions translate into loyalty and influence
Payroll control equals grassroots authority
So when governors appear reluctant to surrender ECDE, it is not just about policy. It is about losing a direct link to the electorate.
But beneath the politics lies an uncomfortable truth: ECDE teachers are suffering
While power struggles dominate the debate, ECDE teachers remain stuck in a system that is deeply uneven and often unfair.
Across counties:
Some teachers are reasonably paid, others survive on irregular wages
Some have contracts, others exist in employment limbo
Some enjoy support and training, others are left unattended
Salary delays are common and morale is fragile
This is the moral centre of the crisis. Regardless of who controls ECDE, the system has failed to guarantee dignity and consistency for the very people shaping Kenya’s youngest learners.
The contradiction: devolution has expanded access but deepened inequality
Devolution was meant to bring services closer to citizens. ECDE is one of its most visible achievements. But it has also exposed a painful contradiction: proximity has not guaranteed equality.
Some counties have invested heavily in early learning infrastructure. Others have struggled with funding and administration. The result is a patchwork system where a child’s ECDE experience depends heavily on geography.
This is where the argument for national control gains strength: equality.
Why governors resist—and why it is not just greed
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It is easy to dismiss governors as simply clinging to power, but the reality is more strategic. ECDE is one of the few fully visible and politically rewarding devolved functions.
They resist because losing ECDE means:
Reduced political visibility at the grassroots
Loss of control over a large workforce
Shrinking development narrative at ward level
Increased dependence on national government for visibility
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At the same time, they also fear that centralisation could introduce new problems—slower decision-making, bureaucratic delays, and reduced responsiveness to local needs.
So the resistance is both political and structural.
The hard truth: neither system has fully protected ECDE teachers
This is where the argument becomes unavoidable. Whether under counties or national government, ECDE teachers remain underprotected.
Devolution has created inequality. Centralisation risks creating bureaucracy. But both systems, as currently designed, have failed to guarantee:
Fair pay
Stable employment
Uniform standards
Clear career progression
That failure is the real crisis—not the location of authority.
The real solution is not a transfer—it is a reset
Moving ECDE to the national government may solve some disparities, but it will not automatically fix systemic weaknesses. Power can shift without reform.
What is needed is not just relocation, but redesign:
National minimum pay standards for ECDE teachers
Unified employment and career structures
Strict enforcement of funding accountability across counties
Local management retained, but within a binding national framework
This would reduce inequality without dismantling devolution.
Conclusion: ECDE is no longer just an education debate—it is a power test
The ECDE debate has exposed a deeper national tension: who controls the foundation of Kenya’s education system, and who benefits from that control.
Governors resist because ECDE is political strength at the grassroots. Reformers push because ECDE teachers are trapped in inconsistency and inequality. And in between stands the child in the classroom, whose education should not depend on county boundaries.
Ultimately, this is not a fight about administration. It is a fight about fairness versus power.
And unless that tension is resolved, ECDE will remain what it is today—not just the foundation of education, but the frontline of Kenya’s governance struggle.
By Hillary Muhalya
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